When I was in 7th grade, my English class had an assignment: look into our ancestry and try to find an instance, in our lives or family history, where our families were oppressed or disadvantaged because of stereotypes, race, or ethnicity. The assignment explicitly excluded Italian stereotype discussions because the teacher did not want to deal with half a class worth of discussions of mafia stereotypes, which was certainly defensible in Central Jersey.
I vaguely remember doing something on Danish people, as my mom's side of the family is part Danish. I don't recall what the nature of the grievance was, but I do recall that my great-grandfather from Denmark had dealt with some issues. In fact, I do not remember very much about the assignment or my project, other than that I loathed the assignment.
Fast forward a decade or so and I was in graduate school for history. Much of the discussions hinged on a series of issues or prisms of analysis regarding dynamics of power in empire and colonialism, and, usually, how they related to race, class, and gender. Arnold Kling would describe these discussions as fastened tightly to the oppressor/oppressed axis of the "three axes" of politics.*** Kling identifies two other potential axes: one, he dubs the freedom/coercion axis, and associates it with political libertarians. The third, he dubs the civilization/barbarism axis, and associates it with political conservatives.
This focus on the oppressed appeared in almost every book I read, every article I read, and every discussion: Discussions invariably moved to Gramsci, or Marx, or Foucault, or at the very least, garden variety blanket condemnations for Western colonialism and activity.
Of course, those condemnations are probably appropriate, considering the horrifying conduct of Europeans in the nineteenth century, and Americans into the twentieth. Indeed, we still see the aftereffects of those decisions everyday. My contention, though, is after four decades of relentless research, pedagogy, and argumentation, the oppressor/oppressed axis has essentially come to dominate intellectual discourse. The "freedom/coercion" axis is essentially a fringe world in academia, sometimes pursued by leading lights like Milton Friedman, but usually left to contrarians. The "civilization/barbarism" axis is systematically delegitimized in most polite, intellectual conversation; even highly-credentialed, intelligent professors like Harvey Mansfield are shunned by much of the academic establishment. This is unfortunate, and I think its absence shines through our entire academic and educational culture. With this in mind, that odd assignment in my 7th grade English class makes perfect sense: it was just another way to explore the oppressor/oppressed axis. I really don't believe that people think that they are using the axis; I just think that the oppressor/oppressed means of analysis has crowded out all other forms, so that one doesn't even see that there are alternatives.
Which brings me to an interesting survey performed recently about the Men's Rights Community on Reddit.com. Fully 90 percent of the users of the Men’s Rights subreddits were 20 years of age or younger. Now, young people may well be overrepresented on Reddit as a proportion of the population, but still, only about one-third of Redditers overall were younger than 25 as of 2012.
Let's accept that the data here is of questionable value, and certainly can't be given the sheen of validated social science. But there is something here: overwhelmingly, the participants in Reddit's community for Men's Rights are very young, aggrieved men. Why? My working hypothesis right now is that these young men have spent their entire lives in the educational establishment; few have any real world experience beyond school. And schools focus relentlessly on grievance, via this universal application of the oppressor/oppressed axis.
Educators, textbooks, etc. mean to instill young people with a notion about privilege, the idea that people have unequal advantages that they often cannot see from their own perspective. In theory, at least, educating people about privilege is a way to make them see their own advantages, and then work to keep the needs of those without privilege in mind as they go through their lives.
But not everyone likes the idea of thinking of themselves as privileged. And a certain subset of men look around themselves and can't see their privilege at all; all they see is boys doing worse in school, boys getting punished for misbehavior more regularly, and boys being relentlessly hounded about how they are the perpetrators of sexual assault. In my judgment, theirs is a distorted view of reality. But it persists.
So those men or boys look to the world around them. They see the discourse of "rights" and "privilege" and "oppression," and they then see themselves on the disadvantaged side of those relationships. Some gravitate to these online communities, where they make common cause with people who have reached the same conclusions about the world around them.
As people get further away from school and gain world real experience, they are probably more apt to see other ways of looking at the world, and then gravitate away from the simplistic, distorted "men's rights" frame. But young men are (apparently) vulnerable to this way of thinking.
The men's rights movement is a textbook example of the misapplication of the oppressor/oppressed axis. But its young practitioners probably don't have any better tools. They see themselves as disadvantaged by the system, and the only language they have available to explain that is the language of oppression. I see it as a classic example of the old aphorism: when all you have is a hammer, every problem looks like a nail. The oppressor/oppressed axis is the hammer. The unfortunate state of these young men is the nail. We need to do better by these students.
This is an area where an infusion of the civilized/barbarism axis would be a better corrective. A narrow view of the axis would view it as suggesting that certain people (us!) are civilized and that others (them!) are not. But that would be an incomplete interpretation. Certain conduct is better described as civilized than certain people. The language of shared obligation essentially falls into the realm of the civilized/barbarism axis, because the construction is, on some level, "The civilized do this thing," or "The civilized have this responsibility."
Even if we don't use those terms, the subtext is about fulfilling one's duty, and how failing to fulfill one's duty is a shortcoming. Instead of a relentless focus on oppression, an added focus on social obligation, community, and responsibility would give young people a different prism for viewing the world around them. Instead of dividing the world with a line, separating the oppressed and the oppressors, we could explore the idea of what we owe one another as people in general.
Discussions of the disadvantaged should start with the notion that we owe the disadvantaged our assistance because it is the right and decent thing to do in a "civilized society," rather than starting from the point that the disadvantaged are disadvantaged because of the oppression of a dominant group. This may not be as intellectually satisfying, but it is more likely to gain adherents than to foster resentment and backlash.
Bottom line: we spend so much time on the issue of oppression that we see it as the sine qua non of scholarly thought and analysis. Other potential axes, or prisms for evaluation, are discarded. And we see that intellectual poverty in things like the men's rights movement.
*** Kling wrote an excellent essay on his Three Axes Model for the Kindle. I recommend it heartily.
Who is civilization? What is a civilized society? What/whose conduct is enshrined as "civilized," and why?
ReplyDeleteI think part of why the other two axes don't get as much play is that, by poking at them with questions such as these, they can be efficiently enfolded into the model of oppressor and oppressed; enforcing unshared cultural norms and coercing people into unwanted courses of action can both be forms of oppression. Similarly, by asking different questions, I think you could reduce all three axes to different forms of freedom vs. coercion or of civilization vs. barbarism.
For my part, though, I suspect I know who has historically been allowed to answer the questions I pose above-- and that is a story I find more compelling than undefined appeals to what may or may not be "civilized."
I agree with your historical reasons for skepticism about the concept of "civilization," but I'm not convinced that we need to dispense with the concept entirely because people have used it for exploitation over time. We--as a society, as a people, as a country--can establish shared social norms across the board that we respect as virtuous.
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